Blood, Fire, and Federal Power: On the Present Condition of Authority, Violence, and Prophetic Memory

 

Blood, Fire, and Federal Power: On the Present Condition of Authority, Violence, and Prophetic Memory

What is unfolding in the United States cannot be adequately described as a constitutional crisis, nor even as a revolution. Those terms imply disruption within an otherwise stable order. What we are witnessing instead is the natural maturation of a system whose architecture already permitted suspension of accountability under the language of emergency. This is not a breakdown. It is continuity.

Isaiah’s language in 1 Nephi 22 —blood, fire, vapor of smoke—was never merely poetic. It names a pattern in history where political authority detaches from moral restraint and begins to justify itself through force, spectacle, and abstraction. Nephi’s reading of Isaiah in 1 Nephi 22 is precise: these signs appear whenever nations turn against Zion, whenever power rises against covenant memory, whenever institutions replace justice with procedure. The righteous are not spared by exemption; they are preserved as by fire. Survival itself becomes trial.

The present moment mirrors this structure with unsettling clarity.

Federal enforcement and intelligence agencies, more particularly Ice and BP and the newly sequestered FBI now operate under a legal framework that places them functionally outside the same constitutional limits governing state and local police. Supreme Court jurisprudence has erected procedural barriers so dense that victims of federal violence are often denied standing before evidence is even examined. Border Patrol and ICE exist inside a carve-out of sovereignty—authorized by national security doctrine, insulated by jurisdictional ambiguity, and reinforced by legislative inaction. This is not accidental. It is intentionally engineered.

Emergency powers, once justified by exceptional threat, have become permanent governance. When danger is fabricated or exaggerated, authority no longer needs restraint. It only needs narrative.

This is why viral footage matters less than structural immunity. Whether a particular video is sensationalized or authentic becomes secondary to the underlying reality: federal agents can deploy force with minimal civilian oversight, minimal judicial consequence, and minimal political risk. Local officers lose qualified immunity. Federal agents largely do not. That distinction alone redraws the moral geometry of the state.

And so violence becomes administrative.

What appears on screens as chaos in streets is, upstream, the quiet certainty of agencies that know they cannot be meaningfully sued.

Against this backdrop, symbolic gestures begin to matter. Promotional imagery adopting militarized aesthetics. Commanders styled in authoritarian visual language. Crowds confronting armored personnel. These are not coincidences of fashion. They reflect the psychological shift of institutions that no longer see themselves as servants of civil order but as guardians of a besieged realm. Power begins to perform itself.

This is where historical memory becomes unavoidable.

Empires always adopt sacred language when coercion expands. They speak of security. They invoke destiny. They redefine dissent as threat. They manufacture urgency. They blur the boundary between policing and occupation. They cultivate loyalty through fear and spectacle. The Roman prefects did it. The European empires did it. Every technocratic state eventually does it.

Isaiah called it Babylon and many books have been written, this is no mystery.

Not as geography. As a repeating pattern.

Babylon is the system that governs by seduction first, then by force. It replaces obedience with access. It rewards compliance with comfort. And when resistance emerges, it answers with fire, blood and vapor 0f smoke.

What we are seeing now is not merely political polarization. It is a theological condition and an awful situation. Authority has detached from legitimacy and accountability. Law has been hollowed into procedure. Justice has been deferred to temporal regime jurisdiction. Violence is outsourced to agencies who hire criminals whose legal insulation makes them untouchable.

The widow in Christ’s parable understands this instinctively. She does not appeal to fairness. She importunes. She persists. She knows the judge is unjust. She petitions anyway, not because the judge is righteous, but because pressure itself becomes testimony.

That is the only remaining mechanism available to ordinary people under such systems: relentless witness before God, angels and these witnesses.

Call or write the governors. Call or write  the senators. Call or write the courts. Call or write the president and implore as Patrick Henry before Congress before their feet or importune. Not because they will care, but because record accumulates. Voice accumulates. Memory accumulates. And eventually blood cries out from the ground, whether institutions acknowledge it or not.

This is not conspiracy theory. It is constitutional fact, produced by Supreme Court doctrine and sustained by congressional cowardice. Federal agents now operate under protections denied to every other law-enforcement officer in America. Legislators have refused to close this gap. Courts routinely decline to intervene. Executive branches exploit the vacuum. The structure is deliberate.

It echoes an older moment in American history. When Joseph Smith petitioned President Martin Van Buren for redress following Governor Boggs’ extermination order, the response was telling: your cause is just, but I can do nothing for you. Not because justice was unclear—but because political cost outweighed moral obligation. Today’s victims of federal violence hear the same answer in procedural form. Their claims are dismissed on jurisdictional grounds, immunity doctrines, and standing technicalities. The verdict arrives before the evidence.

The pattern is unchanged: acknowledgment without action, sympathy without remedy. Power concedes injustice while preserving itself. Votes matter more than blood. And so authority shelters behind legality while abandoning justice.

And so we arrive at war language.

Not war between nations.

War between unaccountable power and embodied human life.

War between administrative sovereignty and covenant memory.

War between systems and corroded institution that preserve themselves and people who still believe justice should exist.

Hell and death are not metaphors here. They describe governance structures that normalize harm while insulating perpetrators. They describe bureaucracies that metabolize suffering. They describe empires that no longer recognize the image of God in the bodies they police.

Isaiah saw this.

Nephi saw this.

Every conquered people has seen this.

The fire is not coming.

The fire is already here.

Miguel Tinoco

Babel, Zion, and the Return of the City-State

 

Zion and Jerusalem, January 3^rd 2026

Are ZEDes or SEZs the Way of the Future?Babel, Zion, and the Return of the City-State

The question matters because a familiar pattern is reappearing—one that reaches back to the earliest post-diluvian political forms.

After the Flood, the first recorded city-state was Babel. Under Nimrod, and through its institutionalized immorality and debauchery—calling good evil and evil good, turning things upside down by elevating the humane over the human, the unholy over the holy, the pagan over the divine, and legality over legitimacy—it progressively eroded into what later became known as the libertinage and prepotency of Sodom and Gomorrah. In this form, it stood in direct contradiction to God and, more importantly, in opposition to an earlier model: the City of Holiness, even Zion, built by Enoch before the Flood. Zion flourished for 365 years before it was taken—or withdrawn on account of its perfection—rather than to destroy or be destroyed.

From that point forward, cities became nations; nations became kingdoms such as Egypt and Israel; kingdoms expanded into empires—Babylon, Persia, Greece, Rome. Those empires in turn collapsed back into larger and smaller kingdoms and, eventually, into the nation-states familiar today. These nation-states are now failing, yet paradoxically into state functionality only “too big to fail.”

Into this vacuum enter charter cities and special economic zones: Hong Kong, Singapore, Dubai, Shenzhen and Macao. The question is whether these are merely economic instruments—or something more archetypal.

This essay examines the re-emergence of the city-state form—manifest today in special economic zones and charter cities—as part of a recurring civilizational pattern observable from antiquity to the present. Using the biblical archetypes of Babel and Zion as interpretive frames rather than doctrinal claims, it situates contemporary governance experiments within a longer historical sequence: cities giving rise to nations, nations to kingdoms, kingdoms to empires, followed by collapse and re-fragmentation into smaller, highly concentrated nodes of power. The comparison is not theological in intent, but structural, treating these archetypes as early reflections on legitimacy, scale, and moral order in political organization.

The argument proceeds from the observation that modern nation-states are experiencing a legitimacy crisis produced by scale, political and corporate and technocratic corruption, bureaucratic abstraction, and the acceleration of economic systems beyond political consent. While these states remain institutionally dominant and formally intact in the geopolitical and demographic context, they increasingly fail to command belief or moral cohesion. In this context, charter cities and special economic zones—such as Hong Kong, Singapore, Dubai, and Shenzhen—appear not as anomalies but as adaptive responses: compact, administratively efficient entities optimized for predictability and economic function rather than national identity or covenantal belonging. These formations resemble a return to the city-state, though in a disguised way, its institutes and institutions stripped of mythic or universal claims.

The essay further contends that this return reflects, in a muted form, the Babel pattern: a technocratic, human-engineered order oriented toward efficiency and control, yet largely detached from transcendent or moral purpose. By contrast, the Zion archetype represents a fundamentally different model of social organization—one that does not compete on efficiency or scale, but is grounded in covenant, coherence, and withdrawal rather than expansion. Historically, such moral communities do not arise at the height of empire, but only after constitutional legitimacy has eroded, regulation and taxation have reached their apex, and systemic collapse has begun. From this perspective, charter cities function as transitional structures—pressure valves within a failing system—rather than as final civilizational forms. The pattern suggests that while hyper-efficient city-zones may proliferate, enduring renewal, if it occurs, will emerge outside the dominant structures, following a rhythm far older than modern political theory.

 

1. Two Archetypes at the Beginning: Babel vs. Zion

The tension begins early and never disappears.

Babel, the post-diluvian city-state, was:

• Centralized
• Technocratic
• Human-directed in its unity
• Oriented upward without divine authorization

Its logic was explicit: “Let us make a name for ourselves.”

Babel was not condemned simply for being a city. It was condemned for:

• Self-legitimating authority
• Uniformity imposed from above
• Power divorced from moral covenant

It is the prototype of the managerial, instrumental city.

Zion, the City of Enoch, represents a different order:

• Covenant-based
• Ordered by righteousness rather than efficiency
• Flourishing without coercive expansion
• Withdrawn rather than destroyed

Zion was not optimized for control or scale. It was a moral city, not merely an administrative one.

From the beginning, the question was not city versus wilderness, but what kind of city.

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2. The Historical Cycle Is Not Accidental

The sequence repeats with remarkable consistency:

1.     Cities

2.     City-states

3.     Nations

4.     Kingdoms

5.     Empires

6.     Collapse

7.     Fragmentation

8.     New concentrated nodes of power

This pattern appears:

• In Scripture (Babel → Egypt → Babylon → Rome)
• In classical history (Greek poleis → empires → feudal fragmentation)
• In modern history (nation-states → globalization → supra-national systems)

What changes is not the pattern, but the scale—and the source of legitimacy.

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3. Why Nation-States Are Failing While Remaining “Too Big to Fail”

Modern nation-states are caught in three contradictions.

First: Scale exceeds trust.
Governments are too large to feel accountable. Citizens are reduced to abstractions—data points rather than participants.

Second: Bureaucracy replaces covenant.
Law persists without a shared moral vision. Rights proliferate while responsibility thins out.

Third: Economics outruns politics.
Capital, labor, and information move faster than democratic consent can follow.

As a result, states hollow out. They retain taxation, regulation, and coercive power, but lose belief. This is precisely when sub-state experiments emerge.

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4. Charter Cities and SEZs as a Return to the City-State

Hong Kong, Singapore, Dubai, and Shenzhen are not historical accidents. They share common traits:

• Small geographic footprint
• High administrative capacity
• Clear and predictable rules
• Economic rather than national identity

They function as neo–city-states, embedded within or alongside legacy states.

From a biblical-historical lens, they resemble:

• Babel-like efficiency nodes
• Platforms for activity rather than peoples bound by covenant

They are optimized for function, not for moral formation.

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5. The Babel Pattern, Re-emerging With a Difference

The resemblance to Babel is real, though incomplete.

Similarities include:

• Technocratic governance
• Legal exceptionalism
• Human-engineered order
• Detachment from tradition and land
• Global rather than local orientation

Key differences remain:

• No claim to universal unity
• No explicit spiritual authority
• Pragmatism rather than myth

They answer the question “How do we make things work?”
They do not answer “Why should we live this way?”

This makes them efficient, but hollow.

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6. Zion Never Competes on Babel’s Terms

A critical distinction emerges here.

• Babel builds upward.
• Zion is taken upward.

Zion does not attempt to out-compete Babel on efficiency, scale, or power. It operates on an entirely different plane.

Historically, empires collapse under their own weight. Moral communities either assimilate and disappear—or withdraw, preserving coherence until re-emergence becomes possible.

Zion imagery always returns after collapse, not at the height of empire.

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7. Are Charter Cities the Future?

Economically and administratively, yes. They will likely proliferate.

Spiritually and civilizationally, no. They are transitional forms:

• Pressure valves for failing states
• Testbeds for governance
• Efficient systems without full social depth

They resemble Babel without the tower—power without transcendence.

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8. What the Pattern Suggests Comes Next

If the historical rhythm continues, several developments are likely:

1.     Expansion of hyper-efficient city-zones

2.     Widening legitimacy gaps

3.     Moral exhaustion

4.     Collapse or withdrawal

5.     Renewal arising outside the dominant system

 

 

In contrast, Zion never appears when empire is at its strongest. It emerges when wealth has surpassed necessity, when immorality has displaced virtue, and when the empire has lost its soul—most critically, when liberty, understood as the power of the many, has been reduced and fixated into the excesses of individualistic freedom concentrated among a few elites.

This is not a new observation. It is an exercise in civilizational pattern recognition, using biblical archetypes to interpret political and economic evolution. The texts themselves were reflections on power, order, rebellion, and legitimacy. Reading them in this manner is not an imposition; it is a return to their original purpose.

Closing Statement

Taken together, these observations suggest that ZEDs and SEZs are not aberrations but symptomatic responses to a deeper civilizational inflection point. They mark neither a final destination nor a genuine renewal of political order, but an interim reversion to the city-state logic under conditions of modern scale and technological capacity. In this sense, they echo the Babel archetype: highly effective, administratively coherent, and purpose-built for function, yet largely unmoored from questions of moral legitimacy, covenant, or shared meaning. Their success lies precisely in what they bracket out.

Zion, by contrast, and the prophesied advent of the New Jerusalem yet to be, never emerges as a competitor within such systems. It does not scale, optimize, or expand. It withdraws. Historically and symbolically, it appears only after legitimacy has drained from dominant forms and efficiency has exhausted its claim to authority. The present proliferation of charter cities therefore signals less a future secured than a transition underway—one in which power is temporarily stabilized through concentration and technique, even as the deeper question of why political order exists remains unresolved.

Whether this cycle culminates in renewal or further fragmentation is not determined by administrative ingenuity alone. The pattern suggests that what follows will not arise from within the most efficient structures, but at their margins, once belief has fully decoupled from control. In that sense, the question is not simply whether ZEDs or SEZs are the way of the future, but whether they represent the last coherent form of a waning order—or the precondition for something that, like Zion, operates by an entirely different measure.

Miguel Tinoco